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An Offering of Detail But No New Substance
By Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, December 1, 2005; A01
Thirty-two months after U.S. forces invaded Iraq,
President Bush's advisers concluded that his message
of "stay the course" has been translated
by a weary American public as "stay forever."
And so yesterday the president tried to reassure
the nation that he has a comprehensive vision for
beating the insurgency and eventually bringing U.S.
troops home.
The message was hardly subtle as the White House
posted a 35-page "National Strategy for Victory
in Iraq" on its Web site and hung dozens of
"Plan for Victory" signs behind Bush as
he addressed midshipmen in Annapolis. But it was
intended to reshape the argument against critics
who have been gaining traction with congressional
calls to withdraw troops immediately or at least
set a timetable for pulling out.
Instead of sticking to general statements of resolve
as in the past, Bush offered specific examples of
what he called progress in building an Iraqi army
that can take over the fight from U.S. troops. And
in a rare move for a president loath to admit mistakes,
he admitted some without ever using the word, granting
that "we've faced some setbacks" and that
"we learned from our early experiences."
But broadly Bush gave no ground to critics who want
a major course change, and the plan he released
yesterday offered nothing new substantively. Short
of changing conditions on the ground, Bush faces
enormous challenges in turning around public attitudes
on the war. The American people have grown increasingly
sour on Iraq in public polls, and most no longer
approve of the way the president is handling the
war.
"That's the trick for the president -- he has
to turn around public opinion when he's at a low
point in the polls," said John Weaver, a political
strategist for Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.). "What
they've got to do is win this argument and correct
the misinformation that's out there about what's
going on in Iraq and do so while leveling with the
American people that it's going to be a long, hard
slog."
The latest speech won Bush few converts in Washington,
with opposition leaders rushing out critiques, in
some cases even before he had finished speaking
in Annapolis. "The president was basically
repackaging things and saying everything's fine
when every day we read that things are not fine,"
said former secretary of state Madeleine K. Albright.
"I so wish I could believe him. I like to believe
an American president. But he's got such a credibility
issue."
Sen. Joseph R. Biden Jr. (Del.), the senior Democrat
on the Foreign Relations Committee, offered a more
measured response, calling Bush's remarks a "positive
step." "The president did a better job
laying out where we are and where we're trying to
go in Iraq," Biden said in a statement, "but
failed to tell us how or when we're going to get
there."
The debate in Washington has evolved sharply in
the past few weeks after the U.S. military death
toll topped 2,000. While Bush traveled through Asia
for trade and security talks, Congress engaged in
its most robust debates on the war since voting
to authorize the use of force in October 2002. Bush
and Vice President Cheney launched a sharp counterattack
on critics, accusing them of demoralizing troops
and wanting to "surrender to terrorists."
Now back from Asia and a Thanksgiving sojourn in
Texas, Bush intends a sustained defense of his Iraq
policy in the weeks leading up to the Dec. 15 parliamentary
elections there, starting with yesterday's speech
and continuing with at least two and perhaps three
more. He dropped the acrid rhetoric yesterday and
professed that "we should not fear the debate
in Washington. It's one of the great strengths of
our democracy that we can discuss our differences
openly and honestly even at times of war."
He summoned a leading Democrat to his own defense,
citing an op-ed article opposing timetables for
withdrawal that was written by Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman
(Conn.), who ran for vice president on the ticket
opposing Bush in 2000 and lost his bid for the party's
presidential nomination to challenge Bush in 2004.
In doing so, the White House hoped to turn the tables
on the Democrats. "What it does is highlight
a split within the Democratic Party," said
a senior official who spoke on the condition of
anonymity.
Privately, though, officials acknowledge that they
have failed to communicate their message to the
public.
"We haven't put it out there in a fashion that
has sunk in," said a second official who was
not authorized to speak on the record. Advisers
were struck by polls showing that a sizable share
of the public did not think Bush had a plan for
victory in Iraq. "There's a sense that the
public does not have a good understanding of what
our strategy is and is confused about the level
of progress we've made."
Administration officials believe much of the public
is still eager for victory and open to persuasion
if the president can make the case that he has made
progress. They took heart in a survey last week
by RT Strategies, a bipartisan polling firm, that
found that 49 percent of Americans favor bringing
troops home when only "specific goals and objectives"
are met, 30 percent want a fixed timetable for pulling
out and 16 percent support immediate withdrawal.
The middle 30 percent, they figure, is the real
political battleground.
Thomas Riehle, a Democrat who runs RT along with
Republican V. Lance Tarrance Jr., said many Americans
are suspicious of war critics as well as the war.
"What is shifting is the sense that the military
and White House do not have a good plan to proceed
to victory or troop withdrawal," Riehle said
in an e-mail. At the same time, he said, the Democrats
"don't seem to be in a position to drive opinion
. . . where Bush is vulnerable."
Amid such skepticism, Bush has retreated to mainly
military settings to defend his policy. Yesterday's
speech at the U.S. Naval Academy was his fourth
before a military audience in three weeks.
But in subtle ways, he and the administration are
adjusting the message to reflect Iraq realities.
No longer are they declaring that the insurgency
is in its "last throes," as Cheney did
last spring. Instead, they emphasize in their new
strategy document that "it is not realistic
to expect a fully functioning democracy, able to
defeat its enemies" to be built in three years.
And Bush acknowledged yesterday what U.S. military
and intelligence experts have said for months, that
terrorists make up the smallest group opposing coalition
forces and that "ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni
Arabs" represent "by far the largest group."
W. Patrick Lang, a former Defense Intelligence Agency
expert on Iraqi affairs, said that Bush's language
"changes the frame of reference," because
the president acknowledged "for the first time
this is essentially an Iraqi insurrection."
Lang said Bush's previous emphasis on the foreign
makeup of the insurgency "made it impossible
for U.S. forces to deal with the enemy because we
needed to defeat them totally." Now, Lang suggested,
U.S. military officers have room to try to work
out deals with Iraqi opposition fighters.
Staff writers Robin Wright and Walter Pincus contributed
to this report.
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