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Secretary Condoleezza Rice about her 2006 agenda

Washington, DC
January 5, 2006
Remarks

» Iran
» Iraq
» Israel
» India
» Russia



INDIA

QUESTION: I'd like to engage you a little bit about the India deal, if you don't mind. Was the separation plan that the Foreign Secretary offered when he was in Washington recently sufficient for the United States to go forward to Congress and the NSG and seek the changes that you need? Also, have you made a decision as to whether or not the CIRUS reactor is a violation and how do you see that being resolved?

SECRETARY RICE:: Well, I don't -- I'm not going to get into the details of what we're working with the Indians. We've been very clear that there needs to be a separation plan. We've been very clear that while we want India very much to have access to civil nuclear technology that we also want to do this in a way that strengthens nonproliferation. And so that's why the arrangement is designed as it should. And the negotiations are ongoing, the discussions are ongoing, and so I'm not going to get into those details.

Let me just say that the prospect that you could have civil nuclear energy in India is one that is welcomed not just by the United States but by the other countries of the Nuclear Suppliers Group. And in fact, Mohamed ElBaradei himself has said publicly that he thinks it is a good thing that we move in this direction with India. So this could be an enormously important step forward.

We have to recognize that India is a big and important and growing economy. It will have to access civil nuclear energy if it's not to be totally dependent on carbon and if it is not to be dependent on carbon relationships with countries that we've had concerns about. We can't say to the Indians on the one hand, you can't -- we'd rather you weren't engaged in energy relations with, for instance, Iran, but by the way, civil nuclear is closed off to you.

So we're working, I think, here on a very important issue. And I just want to underscore, a lot of nonproliferation people, including the head of the IAEA himself, thinks it's a very good idea that we work in this direction. But the specifics, the details of how we get there, are still being worked.

QUESTION: Madame Secretary, are you in effect saying that democracies like India or Israel can have nuclear weapons and a civilian nuclear program, but countries with sort of sham democracies or pseudo-democracies like Iran should not be able to have either?

SECRETARY RICE:: Well, I think that one of the problems that the Nonproliferation Treaty has is that it assumed that all conditions were going to be identical and that you could therefore make blanket statements of the kind that you've just put forward. And I think what we've learned is that conditions are different in different places. There are countries that, I think, we worry not at all about civil nuclear power in those countries because they have demonstrated no desire toward nuclear weapons. They've not, in effect, under -- while under IAEA safe -- and the worst cases are people who are under IAEA safeguards, under Nonproliferation Treaty obligations, and then they cheat on those obligations. And we have a couple of cases of those that we're working right now: North Korea and Iran.

And that's the analysis that I would make, that the problem with Iran is that it has demonstrated that it is not trustworthy under its Nonproliferation Treaty obligations. And so when it cites its Nonproliferation Treaty rights, you have to say, "Well, what about your obligations?" Yes, it is a problem that it is a closed and nontransparent state and that it is -- you know, that it has a president now who says things about not allowing countries that are members of the UN, like Israel, to actually exist. Yes, that it is a problem. But let's get back to what the core of the problem was with Iran, which was the cheating on the Nonproliferation Treaty.

In terms of strengthening nonproliferation, the President made a speech back at NDU a couple of years ago where he talked about ways to close the loopholes in the Nonproliferation Treaty. And I think you'll see that our policies are actually designed to try to close the loopholes. For instance, if you don't have enrichment and reprocessing capability, any state should instead be willing to agree to assured fuel supply. So that doesn't speak to the character of the state; it speaks to the status of a state along the fuel cycle. So I would not make a blanket statement about these states can have nuclear weapons and those cannot. I think the issue that we really face is how to make the Nonproliferation Treaty effective, how to close its loopholes and how to react when states have violated their obligations.







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